A Funny Letter Written by A Farmer

May 2nd, 2011

To the Superintendent, Atlantic City Railroad, Sept. 1896

Dear sir,

On the 15th yore trane that was goting to Atlanta ran over mi bull at 30 mile post

He was in my Pastur
You orter see him

Yore ruddy trane took a peece of hyde outer his belly tetween his nable and his poker at least fute square and took his bag most off and he lost is seeds. I don’t believe hi is going to be any more use as a bull.

I wish you would tell the President he is ded, for he is as good as ded ever since he was hit by yore trane.

Yours respectfully

A.T. Harris

P.S.– Be sure and report him as ded as he has nothing left but his poker. He was a red bull but he stand around in these days looking dam blue.

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Death of a Newspaper-man: Analysis on The Lan Chengzhang Murder Case and the Related Ethical Issues of Chinese Journalism

May 2nd, 2011

Death of a Newspaper-man: Analysis on The Lan Chengzhang Murder Case and the Related Ethical Issues of Chinese Journalism

Author: Wang Pei

Introduction

It is said that being a Journalist is one of the most dangerous profession in the world. Until recently, this probably has not been true in modern China. According to an annual report published by the Paris-based ‘Reporters Without Borders’, in 2006, eighty-one journalists and thirty two media assistants were killed in 2006, among which only two are Chinese(RSF 2006). Compared with the fact that 4,746 Chinese miners died in underground explosions, fires and floods last year(Watts 2007), this is a rather small death toll. It is no wonder why the public was so shocked and puzzled, when the news that Lan Chengzhang, an employee of a Chinese newspaper, beaten to death by a coal mine owner and his gang, was reported by Chinese and international media. Even the president, Mr. Hu Jintao and other top leaders of China were paying attention to this case, according to the state news agency.

The aftermath of Lan’s death sparked hot debates both online and on the newspaper. Until now, in spite of that most of the suspects were arrested and the case has been in legitimate process, many facts still remain unclear. Is Mr. Lan a genuine reporter or a ‘false reporter’? Did Mr. Lan try to blackmail the mine owner or do a report? Should the local officials, who advocated ‘Crush False Reporter’ campaign, be responsible to some extent to Lan’s murder? What will the public regard the victim, a hero or a loser? This paper can not answer these questions due to their uncertainty.

However, this paper will review the Lan murder case and analyze the related ethical issues in Chinese journalism by answering the following questions: Who and to what extent were involved in Lan case? What kind of ethical issues rise from Mr. Lan’s death? Why these ethical issues are critical? How have these ethical issues been formed considering the broader context of Chinese journalism? And, more important, what kind of solutions can we propose to solve the ethical issues in order to avoid another victim?

Why the Lan Case?

The Lan Case is chosen with an attempt to analyze the ethical issues of Chinese journalism due to the following reason. Although Lan’s Murder is a individual case, it should not be considered as a normal criminal case. It reflects the deep conflict of the role of Chinese media. It discloses the long-existing relationships among local government, problematic businessmen, and the media. It focuses on the moral test and ethical dilemma of Chinese journalists. In short, the death of Lan is rooted deeply in the context, system and ethics of Chinese media.

The Lan Murdur Case

As the Lan Murder case is still in the legal process, many details are still clouded with doubts and controversies. The following story was based on the reports by CCTV (Wang 2007), the Guardian(Watts 2007), the Washington Post(Cody 2007) and other Chinese mainstream newspapers.

On the 10th January 2007, Lan Chengzhang, an employee of Zhongguo Maoyi Bao (China Trade News), visited to an apparently illegal coal mine near Datong, Shanxi province with two of his colleagues. He was heavily beaten by the illegal mine owner’s men and died the next day in hospital. The local authorities refused to regard Lan as a journalist because he did not have a press card(Cody 2007). Lan’s employer, Zhongguo Maoyi Bao, first claimed that Lan had not received any official permission to do the report(Cody 2007), then announced: “We certainly regarded him [Lan] as a journalist and we will do everything in our power to protect his rights,”’. Lan was also accused by the local authority that the purpose of his visit to the mine was to blackmail the mine owner rather than to do a report (Cody 2007). But this accusation was doubted and argued by Lan’s family and some intellectuals(Wang 2007).

It is needless to say that any possible accusation towards Mr. Lan can not be taken for granted. The question is: Why ‘being a false reporter’ and ‘practicing blackmail’ is such a convenient charge to Mr. Lan? To answer this question, we need to analyze the context of this particular case and think about the tough ethical issue.

The Context and the Ethical Issue: Blackmailing By Journalists In Datong

Nowadays blackmailing by journalists in China is not unusual. When a mine disaster happened, the catastrophe sometimes would draw ‘reporters and others pretending to be reporters who asked for “shut-up fees”’(Cody 2007). The mine owners who are responsible for the ‘accident’ and local officials who have interest in the mine business will buy silence from these ‘watch dogs’ to cover up the disaster from the eyes of the public. It is reported that Datong where the Lan case happened, false reporters and blackmailing have been prevailing since 2000. About 80 newspapers established reporter offices and nearly 600-1000 people claimed to be reporters there. However, Only 8 reporter offices with less than 50 employees are approved officially, as reported by Xin Jing Bao (the Beijing News)(2007).

Several reasons attribute to this ‘chaos’. First, many illegal mines are operated under the tolerance and protection of local officials and mine disasters happened frequently in Datong in these years. Second, since the illegal mine owners fear their illegal practices are disclosed, some reporter offices of newspapers hire many salesmen whose major duty is to persuade the illegal mine owners to buy silence in the name of advertisement, circulation or donation. And these salesmen usually get non-official press cards from their employers and act as reporters. Third, some people who are not hired by any real newspaper, find it a prosperous ‘business’, therefore, pretend to be reporters and start to blackmail the illegal miners and corrupted officials.

The local government was furious with this extortion and blackmailing-like practice. In stead of punishing the illegal miners, they decided to take action against the counterparts. They organized a campaign called “Crush down False Newspapers, False Magazines and False Reporters.” According to the official report released in January 2007, 36 ‘false reporters’ was caught during this campaign.

That is the background in which Mr. Lan was killed. Mr. Lan, as stated by the boss of his employer, was hired a week prior his death and still in his trail period. His title is ‘director of special issue department’, as shown on his employer-issued press card(Wang 2007). It can neither be concluded that he was one of the salesmen, nor the local campaigns lead to his death directly. However, knowing the context of blackmailing can help us to understand why so many disputes sparked and why the ethical issues are concerned in this case.

More Ethical Issues behind Blackmailing by Journalists

Although, blackmailing by journalists is not rare, it is not an isolated ethical issue. Indeed, extortion is related with other ethical issues and deeply rooted in the system of Chinese Media.

Many observers have noted the widespread corruption in Chinese journalism(Chengju 2000). The obvious corruption of journalists is accepting ‘gift money’ or ‘pocket money’. Another general practice of Chinese journalists is accepting freebies including gifts (Mp3 player, books etc.), free tickets, free trips, which is also practiced by some of their Western counterparts according to Keeble (Keeble 2001).

Some scholars attributed these problems to the fact that in general the Chinese journalists receive comparatively low wages(Yu 1997). So, these ‘gift money’ and freebies could be recognized as grease money which enables journalists to be better off. Most Chinese media tolerate these practice due to the tradition that a Chinese department often secretly undertakes business by using public facilities so as to provide staff members extra cash income or material benefits, argued by Chengju (Chengju 2000).

However, these scholars might miss the significant point that the media bodies practice corruption themselves. As argued by Zhao, in Chinese journalism, corruption ‘is not just a few individuals but an institutional and occupational phenomenon involving the majority of journalists and the majority of media organizations from the smallest to the very pinnacle of the Party’s propaganda apparatus(Zhao 1998).’

Actually, it is not rare for Chinese media institutions use commissions to bribe individuals who are in charge of buying advertisement and circulation. Apart from that, the media institutions encourage their journalists to involve in sales of advertisement and circulation.

How could this corruptive practice become blackmailing? In China, the media have powerful influence over moral issues, as discovered by Hua (Hua 2000). For some business operating immorally or illegally, disclosure of their malpractice on mass media will bring them crisis in public relations and finance. In order to cover up the truth, they often offer money to buy silence. Finding it a easy way to earn more money, the media usually hand the criticism report to the relevant business for confirmation. It is not blackmailing, the media assert, only for confirmation. However, as a game rule understood mutually, businessmen would rather pay ‘money for eliminating unluckiness ’(pocai xiaozai), as a Chinese proverb says. Thus, the blackmailing-like deal is done at last. These practices, as long as not done for self-interest, are seldom heavily punished by the authorities. An ‘internal criticism’ (neibu piping) and a ‘written regret letter’ (shumian jiantao) by the media leader to the authority is usually enough (Personal Interview, 30 January, 2007).

In order to squeeze the market, some newspapers establish reporter stations nationwide or province-wide. Newspapers claimed that the mission of these stations is to collect news, however, their main function is to collect money from companies. Last year, The State Administration for Press and Publications (SPPA) punished several newspapers who blackmail companies through their reporter stations(Yu 2007).

When the media practice corruption themselves, how could the public expect well behavior from journalists? According to a survey conducted in 1997(Yu 1997), about 66% of the surveyed journalists agree to sell advertisement for their employers. This consensus increases the posibility of touching the bottom line—blackmailing for one’s own benefit.

The Root of Ethical Issues in Chinese Journalism

As analyzed above, the ethical issues arise from Chinese journalism is personal and institutional. But the root of them is the media system, which changed significantly since late 1970s.

In the Maoist era, Chinese media were simply political organs for the use of propaganda and ‘mouthpiece’ of the Party. In the 1990s, the Party decided to severe media subsidies and push media to scramble for advertising revenues in the commercial sea(Chin-Chuan 2000). Or, as Zhao(Zhao 2004) argued, ‘China’s once state-subsidized and Party-controlled propaganda organs are rapidly transforming themselves into advertisement-based and market-driven capitalistic media enterprises under Party ownership…’ Since then, the Chinese media have served ‘two masters’, the Party and the masses. This can be better understood by figure 1 illustrated by Yong (Yong 2000).

Chinese Media System

Figure 1: Chinese Media System.

As shown on Figure 1, the dual compulsions of Party-state control and market imperative have significantly transformed the structure of the Chinese media. Being a ‘mouse piece’, media should take extreme cautions to keep ‘political safety’. This means that they must eliminate any reports conflicting with the Party’s interest and must propagandize the Party’s voice when needed. Any breach of these rules, would be regarded as a more serious misconduct, and would lead to serious consequence, from sacking the boss to closure.

As a result, Chinese media tend to stay away from politics and are disinclined to report domestic social conflicts. They rush to market, with profit motive as a driving force(Zhao 2004). However, since too many media competing in the underdeveloped market, the competition between media outlets affiliated with various Party state units is intense. This zero-sum game certainly created winners and losers. For the losers they have to struggle to survive by malpractice. Although the winners seldom use blackmailing, they sometimes use bribery to sustain their market share.

How about the journalists? Most of them practically cooperate with their employers, obey the Party and favor their advertisers. Some argued that their increased economic and social isolation from the low classes and their increased materialism are likely to make them a ‘silent partner’ (Zhao 2004). It is incorrect to deny courageous and virtuous journalists exist in China. In fact, some journalists use blogs to express their true feeling and tell the truth. The murder of Mr. Lan was first reported in Tianya site using a fake name, which was believed to belong to an anonymous reporter.

How to Resolve the Ethical Issue?

The ethical issues severely damage the image of media and reduce their accountability. The hot debates about the Lan case, on one hand is pouring fury towards illegal businessmen, on the other hand is expressing discontent with the media. To solve these ethical problems is nonetheless easy.

Some believe codes of ethics and codes of conduct would help because ‘a code may be a way of giving moral support to journalists who have been victimized, and of encouraging solidarity within the profession(Harris 1992).’

In 1997, the Professional Code of Ethics for Chinese Journalists was enforced in China. As stipulated in this code, journalists are forbidden to accept ‘gift money’ and freebies. Moreover, reporters should never involve in any business activities like selling advertisement. However, study found that this code had done little to improve the journalistic ethics(Yu 1997). The ineffectiveness of this code not only attributes to the root of media system, as discussed above, but also to the code itself. This code does say anything about enforcement. As Harris argued, ‘If breaches go unpunished…, then what protection will the public gain from the existence of the code?(Harris 1992) ’

Some media outlets might think that the Code was too unrealistic. So they made their own practical codes. Chengdu Business News (CBN) took four anti-corruption rules. First, separating the newsroom from the business units to prevent journalists from making own benefits. Second, separating editing and reporting to curb the coverage of paid articles. Third, stipulating reward and punishment rules to enforce the code. Finally and interestingly, ‘All gift money received by journalists from interviewees must be turned over to the newspaper’s financial office. Forty percent of gift money, however, will be returned to relevant journalists later…(Chengju 2000)’

These codes were proved more effective than the official one(Chengju 2000). However, someone may argue that these anti-corruption rules are not hard to play trick with, as a Chinese saying warns, ‘When angel grows one inch, Devil grows one foot (Daogao yichi, mogao yizhang).’

The real problem of these codes is, some of them are against morality. If getting gift money is acceptable, what the public would view the media? Indeed, nowadays most of the media have separated journalism and business, but how could they restrain their journalists from business activity, while their competitors have emptied the newsroom to visit the potential clients?

The remedy might lie in legislation because it is believed that ‘…the provision of the blunt instrument of a specific law is to establish bodies legally empowered to regulate the media(Sanders 2003).’ Unfortunately, China has no press law. If there were one press law, the rights of journalists and media employees including Mr. Lan would have been protected and the misconducts would be restricted. Interestingly, in 1999, the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences Working Party on Media Law Reform had spent a month at Nottingham Trent University to study English approaches to media law. They urged the need for “a national press law to protect the news media from abuse from the executive and the Party”(De Burgh 2000). After seven years, media law is still not on the legislation schedule.

Codes of conduct and media law can not solve ethical issues alone. By and large, ethics is a personal matter. For anyone who faces ethical questions, self-regulation and self-determination is the ultimate resolution. For Chinese journalists, maybe Bok’s model could be helpful. Bok recommends that any ethical questions should be analyzed in three steps. First, consult your own conscience about the ‘rightness’ of an action. Second, seek expert (living or dead) advice for advice to the act creating the ethical problems. Third, if possible, conduct a public discussion with the parties involved in the dispute(Patterson and Wilkins 1998). However, this model is not absolute.

Some Conclusion Words

Although the Lan Case seems like an accident, this kind of tragedy is almost inevitable. The media, on one hand, are strictly controlled by the Party and state, on the other hand, they have been pushed into the commercial world since the reform in 1990s. Immoral and even illegal practices are not uncommon in Chinese journalisms. The journalists and employees of Chinese media, are under pressure from the Party, the market, the mass and their employers. The lack of protection of media law jeopardizes their situation. They are generally treated as a mean instead of an end. Although this situation cannot justify immoral or illegal individual behavior, it seems unfair to blame journalists alone for all the ethical problems. To solve these ethical issues, a realistic code of conducts, a media law and individual self-regulation seems equally important.

Lan Chengzhang’s death has enabled a lot of Chinese to see the dark side of the media system and society. Thus, the bottle of secrets has been opened. Currently, hot debates concerning social justice, media reforms and journalistic ethics are still underway. On Netease, a Chinese news portal, the majority of internet users are condemning the murderers and the disheartened officials, and appealing for more journalists to meet the public’s expectation by chasing truth and justice. Although the Lan case is still waiting for a trial. All believe that Lan should not die in vain.

Wang Keqin, a courageous journalist, who has received death thread for several times, wrote a series of report about Lan’s death. On his blog, he posted a photograph of Lan’s daughter. Holding his father’s portrait, the little girl lifted her misty eyes. What is ethics? Why we need ethics? How can a Chinese journalist do something to improve his ethics? The little girl’s eyes have explained all.

Reference

(2007). Shanxi Datong ‘Jia Jizhe’ Luanxiang (The Chaos of ‘False Reporters’ in Datong, Shanxi). Xin Jing Bao (The Beijing News). Beijing.
Chengju, H. (2000). “The Development of a Semi-Independent Press in Post-Mao China: An overview and a case study of Chengdu Business News.” Journalism Studies 1: 649-664.
Chin-Chuan, L. (2000). “China’s Journalism: the emancipatory potential of social theory.” Journalism Studies 1: 559-575.
Cody, E. (2007). Blackmailing By Journalists In China Seen As ‘Frequent’. Washington Post Foreign Service. Washington: A01.
Cody, E. (2007). Fatal Beating Victim: Journalist or Fraud? Washington Post Foreign Service. Washington: A21.
De Burgh, H. (2000). “Chinese Journalism and the Academy: the politics and pedagogy of the media.” Journalism Studies 1: 549-558.
Harris, N. (1992). Codes of Conduct for Journalists. Ethical issues in journalism and the media / edited by Andrew Belsey and Ruth Chadwick. A. Belsey and R. F. Chadwick. London, Routledge: 62-76.
Hua, X. (2000). “Morality Discourse in the Marketplace: narratives in the Chinese television news magazine Oriental Horizon.” Journalism Studies 1: 637-647.
Keeble, R. (2001). Ethics for journalists / by Richard Keeble, Routledge.
Patterson, P. and L. Wilkins (1998). Media ethics : issues and cases / Philip Patterson and Lee Wilkins, Wm. C. Brown.
RSF (2006). Press Freedom in 2006. Paris, Reporters Without Borders: 1-8.
Sanders, K. (2003). Ethics and journalism / Karen Sanders, SAGE.
Wang, L. (2007) “Lan Chengzhang: The Accidental Death of a “Reporter.”” Volume, DOI:
Watts, J. (2007). Chinese reporter’s murder sparks public debate. The Guardian.
Yong, Z. (2000). “From Masses to Audience: changing media ideologies and practices in reform China.” Journalism Studies 1: 617-635.
Yu, G. (1997). Woguo Xinwen Gongzuozhe Zhiye Yishi yu Zhiye Daode Chouyang Diaocha Zongti Baogao (A Survey on Professional Awareness and Professional Ethics of Chinese Journalists). Beijing, Journalism Research Center of China.
Yu, X. (2007). Lan Chengzhang Zhi Si Ying Chengwei Baoye Gaige Zhi Qiji (The Death of Lan Chengzhang Should be an Opportuty of Newspaper Reform). China Yougth Daily. Beijing.
Zhao, Y. (1998). Media, market and democracy in China : between the party line and the bottom line / Yuezhi Zhao, Illinois U. P.
Zhao, Y. (2004). The State, the Market, and Media Control in China. Who Owns the Media: Global Trends and Local Resistance. P. Thomas and Z. Nain. Penang, Malaysia, Southbound Press and London: Zed Books: 179-212.

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[短篇小说]拯救失足妇女

April 30th, 2011

每个文化人心里都埋藏着一个茶花女,问题是在中国他们遇到的往往是失足妇女。

自从青春期的骚动平息以后,我已经十多年没有进过夜总会。但去年好友从远方来,酒足饭饱,本地房地产商非拉着我们走进了一家“国际会所”。除了屏幕更大音响更响,包间跟十几年前似乎没有什么不同。当啤酒点好,果盘端上,“妈咪”领进来一排“营销专员”,环肥燕瘦,柳绿桃红,风流态度,个个不同,大家谦让一番,按照宾主顺序,一人叫了一个“专员”坐在身边。包间里顿时热闹起来,大家轮番敬酒,歌声此起彼伏。我身边的姑娘自我介绍说,名叫琪琪,老家在西安,刚来杭州一个月。我知道这里面没一句实话,她也许是米脂的婆姨,真名叫王绣花,在杭州抗日八年,不断转会于各个夜总会之间。谁知道呢?谁又在乎?

美国非虚构作家、《工厂小妹》的作者张彤禾曾跟随一群男人进过东莞的夜总会,让她迷惑不解的是,这些性情开放的男女在一起互相以“老公”“老婆”相称,他们的想象力依然超越不了家庭。我们的包间里也响起类似的祝酒声:“我敬你跟嫂子一杯。”

琪琪没有去敬酒,而是跟我谈起了她的计划。她想跳槽去另一家夜总会,她想租一间便宜的酒店式公寓,她想减肥,她想学外语⋯⋯如果是十多年前,我肯定会一本正经地为她指点迷津,甚至可能自告奋勇教她外语,而现在我只是喝着啤酒,微笑地重复她的话:“你想学外语,然后呢?”

“我也不知道然后。”琪琪用牙签插了一块哈密瓜递过来,叹了口气,“别的我不会,也挣不到现在的收入。”

而坐在我朋友身边的女孩显然没有这么多焦虑,她滔滔不绝地说着自己的爱好:喜欢听重金属摇滚,喜欢看韩寒的小说,还喜欢上新浪微博。如果再年轻一点,我会告诉她我是新浪V认证用户,并且有2万非僵尸粉丝,可作为一个即将四十岁的男人,我问她:“新浪微博是什么?”

在我年轻的时候,身边流传着很多传说,版本多样,主线相同:白领男人在夜总会遇到一个坐台小姐,惊为天人,经过多次考验,两相欣悦,小姐为他从良,他为小姐戒色,从此走向婚姻,因为都是曾经沧海难为水,反而彼此忠诚,且有奇趣。

然而,现实是—

我的一个朋友是电视台事业处于上升期的编导,有一年拍片到大连路过一片烟花巷,也许是酒盅注满,也许是命中注定,他拐进一家发廊,在那里认识了一个失足姑娘。姑娘讲起人生遭际,他为之叹息,说起人生迷茫,他为之扼腕。我不知道他们具体做了什么,反正几天之后,朋友已经为姑娘设计了一条人生的康庄大道。“你应该学摄影,然后在家开一间影棚。”他给姑娘买了一套入门级单反,还有《纽约摄影学院教程》,“我是一名摄影家,不久的将来,总有一天,你会这样宣告。”这是教材的第一句话。

不过姑娘显然不满足仅仅做一名摄影家,作为女人她有更大的东西想要,她提出要跟我朋友结婚,但这显然是不可能的,朋友已有家室,而她还没有优秀到让他离婚的程度。

事情的进程骤然难看起来,一个被勾起了希望又绝望的女人干出什么都不奇怪,她开始给他的直接领导打电话。我朋友显然错判了形势,他跑到大连把这个姑娘打了一顿,然后二人抱头痛哭,宣布永不再战。在他回去不到一个礼拜,妻子知道了他的婚外情,安慰完妻子,从副台长到台长,都接到了这个姑娘的举报电话。

时代进步了,领导不再干涉下属的私生活,但这种私生活干扰到领导时则另当别论。我朋友选择了最后的体面,他主动辞职,领导惋惜地答应。临行他们喝了最后一场酒,恰好我也在场。领导对我说:他这小子不容易啊,刚招聘到台里,住平房,让我到他家喝啤酒,我想上厕所,他一指门口的胡同,说这里解决就行。后来他好不容易买了一套房子,又请我到他家做客。一进屋就拉着我的手说:“主任,洗个澡吧,刚装的热水器,很舒服⋯⋯你妈的⋯⋯”他俩都笑起来,笑着笑着,突然一阵巨大的沉默。

大屏幕在放最后一首歌,所有的人都站起身,房地产老板让我们先走,然后从夹着的皮包里掏出一把钱,散财童子一样,递给每一个“专员”、服务员,还有“妈咪”,我没看清每人多少,也许三百,也许四百。小姐们集体列队,把我们送到电梯口,她们站在那里挥着手,微笑着,已经分不清谁是琪琪、谁是谁。

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拿什么来拯救话剧?房地产!

April 24th, 2011

当话剧傍上房地产,当房地产看上话剧,当这两个风马牛不相及的东西开始联姻,千万不要以为惊奇。从宽泛的意义上说,当今一切产业都可以看做是房地产的周边产业。不信请到任一城市最繁华的大街上看看,最好的门脸被房产中介占据,紧挨着的是家装公司,再往两侧是橱柜和家纺,其余花店、婚庆、婚纱影楼,都与房地产直接或间接相关。房地产看上去如此重要,以至于2009年楼市下挫的时候,杭州市当时的市委书记提出了“救房产就是救经济就是救百姓”的口号。

最近,我去看了一出话剧。杭州一家房地产公司邀请戏剧导演张广天创作了一部《北城》的话剧,在杭州演出8场。对于投资方房产商来说,这是一个用爱情故事包装的房地产促销戏,对于观众来说,这更像是一出包装在房产促销外壳下的严肃的爱情故事。演出进行到高潮,演员们坐到了观众席上,房地产公司的销售主管被请上舞台,接受众人的审问。“40年产权,忽悠人吧?”“1万2千5一平方,还说白菜价,白菜两块钱一斤,好不好?”主管们被问得满脸通红,场面一时非常欢乐。

被问及是不是在抱房产商的大腿,编剧导演张广天在坦陈:“是的,我在为房地产商做广告。但这个表述还不够彻底。我是赤膊上阵、丧心病狂地为房地产商做广告。不!这个表述还不够彻底,我是向房地产商投降,认为当今的戏剧出路正在房地产。没有房地产,就没有戏剧。”

用话剧来促销房地产,这并不是首例。今年1月,上海一家房企就推出了房地产戏剧《智斗丈母娘》。至于话剧以房地产为题材就更多了,北京搞笑闹剧《想吃麻花现给你拧》里的主人公就是售楼员。在中国,房子问题变得如此重要与紧迫,以至于任何当题材的爱情剧,如果回避住房问题,只能算是现实主义作品。

话剧真的要靠房地产来拯救吗?张广天的话恐怕不是危言耸听。

经过十多年的发展与几代戏剧家的共同努力,当前中国的话剧基本上只剩下两类了:一种是戏剧院团所搞的献礼戏,另一种是商业演出机构所搞的白领戏。前者有国家扶植,不考虑市场,只考虑能不能拿奖,好不好洗钱。后者靠市场养活,一定要保证政治正确,演出安全,取悦观众,讨好市场。于是话剧舞台上出现了一大堆只看名字就能明白是什么货色的剧目,什么《哪个木乃是我姨》、《全村就我光着腚》。本世纪初,张广天曾经导演过鼓吹革命的《切-格瓦拉》,现在想再搞这类政治、思想题材,连想都不要想。

目前话剧市场上一枝独秀的大概只有孟京辉了。他成功地让话剧的票价与演唱会看齐,获得了商业上的成功。进入今年以来,他以央行开动印钞机的速度,在多个城市频繁上演不同剧目,从《柔软》到《蝴蝶变形记》,从《两只狗》到《罗密欧与朱丽叶》,有井水的地方就有柳永的词,有依云矿泉水卖的地方就有孟京辉的戏。孟氏戏剧的存在是一个例外,就像周立波的清口带来不痛不痒的批评一样,他们大概都是被官方当成了和谐盛宴上的胡椒面。

在这种情况下,房地产商如果慷慨解囊,赞助戏剧演出,哪怕是出于促销楼盘的目的,都能搅动话剧这潭深水。在《北城》中,对金钱至上、钱色联姻等社会怪现状都进行了猛烈的抨击,这在柔软媚骨的白领话剧中是难以见到的。

但戏剧真的只能沦为城市里廉价的娱乐品吗?这太糟蹋戏剧了。亚里斯多德认为悲剧能够激发人的恐惧与怜悯,从而让人类更为崇高。英国女作家弗吉尼亚-伍尔芙认为,戏剧与小说的最大区别就在于“情感的集中、普遍化、高昂化”,极端的情感表达,音与义的完美结合,这些都是戏剧所独有的。

话剧还能改造社会。有一段时期,荷兰医生的医德很差。荷兰有一个剧团,专门排演了一出医德教育的戏,上门为每一个医生单独表演。几年过后,竟然演出了700多场,医生大受感动,舆论大为关注,荷兰的医风也从此大有好转。从这个意义上讲,房地产商从高额利润中拿出一小部分用来支持高水平的话剧,也不枉血管里流淌着道德的血液。

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浦安迪:解读中国古典名著的密码

April 24th, 2011

在中国文学史上四大名著的地位无可取代,但对于这些巨著的研究却鲜有突破性成果,基本上依然停留在批注派、索隐派的水平上。近年来,央视百家讲坛推出一批名家,解读四大名著,但也差强人意而已。

就拿刘心武来说吧,号称研究红楼20余年,不但创立了“秦(可卿)学”,而且花费了7年时间,续写了《红楼梦》后四十回。他把秦可卿的出身安排到了皇宫,挑选一些对自己有利的考据证明自己的观点,实在没办法自圆其说就生拉硬扯,例如他提出秦可卿和贾蓉是假夫妻,理由是全书没有一个地方描写过他俩有亲密行为。诸种逻辑不通、强作解人之处还有很多。

与此相对照,美国汉学家浦安迪以西方学术界的知识储备和眼光来研究中国的文学遗产,尤其对明代四大奇书和《红楼梦》进行全新的叙事学解读,为我们理解四大名著提供了一个全新的视野。

早在九十年代,他曾被邀请到北大演讲,随后整理出版了《中国叙事学》一书,这本只有220页的小书对中文读者来说,真可以用“醍醐灌顶”来形容。他不但一举推翻了西方学界普遍认为的中国古典小说属于“缀段”结构的论断,而且还推翻了五四以降来中国学界普遍接受的四大名著起源于民间通俗文学的观点。浦安迪认为,中国四大名著和《金瓶梅》都有着一致的精妙结构,都是文人的创作,而非民间白话文运动的产物。

继《明代小说四大奇书》之后,今年《浦安迪自选集》又出版了,尽管作者曾谦逊地说“对中国文化的基本知识恐仍有颇多步入初学小儿之初”,而实际上大家都明白,举凡中文叙事学研究专著中,再没有比这些书更富有洞见的了。

浦安迪比较了中西方文学的发展历史后发现,中国和西方所说的“小说”根本不是同一样东西。西方的小说(Novel),来源于史诗,中国的小说是“史余”,来源于史书这一传统,到明代以文人小说的出现为一个高峰,一直延续到清代《红楼梦》和《儒林外史》的诞生。

基于这种发现,浦安迪否定了五四以来胡适、鲁迅、郑振铎等人提出的四大名著是民间俗文学的集大成者这样的看法。浦安迪认为,从这些小说的语言、结构和思想境界来看,绝非是民间通俗文学可以相比的。尽管四大名著里常常出现“列位看官”“且听下回分解”这样的说书人的口气,但这也仅仅是文人可以模仿的一种叙事口气而已,并不能证明它跟民间说书有任何关系。我认为浦安迪的这个论断,解决了五四以来,人为挖开的文言文传统与白话文之间的鸿沟问题,使得我们能够用全新的视角去看待汉语文学语言继承性。原来我们被胡、鲁、郑糊弄了这么多年!

浦安迪继而发现了隐藏在包括《金瓶梅》在内的五大名著“百回定型”规律。中国古典小说的定型长度是100回,每10回为一个单元。这一特征在《金瓶梅》和《水浒传》中最为明显,所谓“武(松)十回”“林(冲)十回”“宋(江)十回”,在其他名著中略有变化。在古典小说的第50回左右,必有一大的转折,形成小说的中点。《三国演义》第50回是赤壁大战,《红楼梦》第50回是大观园盛极一时制灯谜。与西方小说追求直线性结构不同,中国古典小说追求的是更替与循环。浦安迪总结说:“中国最伟大的叙事文作者并不曾企图以整体的架构来创造统一连贯性,它们是以反复玄幻的模子来表现人间经验的细致关系的。”

浦安迪的中国叙事学和对明清奇书规律的总结,为中国当代文学提供了镜鉴,也可以为自上个世纪八十年代起的文学模仿西方之风,划上一个句号。原来,神不在异国,从我们的传统文化中,也可以找到那些失落的符号。

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警惕电信陷阱

April 21st, 2011

以下是我的亲身血泪教训,请转给你的所有至爱亲朋。

1、如果办理电信宽带,一定只办理固定宽带,任凭电信营业员巧舌如簧,也不要办理它们的套餐,任何套餐!

2、无线宽带一定不要用电信,丢失后被盗用,电信不管。

3、一定要采取预付费,千万不要后付费,事实证明,后付费就是电信设置的抢钱陷阱!!

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北野武《恶口的技术》

April 16th, 2011

很多人都知道北野武是日本最著名的导演,很多人不知道他还是一位作家,他写过八本小说,六本杂文。

《毒舌北野武》展示了他作为一流杂文家的摧花辣笔,这本书的书名直译是《恶口的技术》。里面收录了北野武写的10篇文章,从世界杯到亚当-斯密,从两性关系到爱因斯坦,无所不包,无所不谈。北野武年轻时做过相声演员,语言辛辣幽默,又能率真自嘲,使得这本书读起来畅快淋漓。

北野武的电影里充满暴力美学,在一个越来越崇尚雅致孱弱审美的世界里,始终是个异类。据说,日本黑道很敬重北野武,虽然他不是同道中人,但身上有侠气,有男人气概。他的电影,都是本色演出。

北野武这本书坦率随性,敞亮豁达。他说没出名之前,梦想有一天有了钱一定要开跑车,吃高档餐厅,跟女人们睡觉。但真正功成名就的时候,他发现开保时捷的感觉并没有那么好,因为“看不到自己开保时捷的样子”,他就让朋友开,自己打个出租车,在后面跟着,还对出租司机说:“看,那时我的车。”同时,他觉得最大的乐趣不是自己吃什么,而是把没进过高档餐厅的朋友领进去,分享他们大快朵颐的快乐。他还喜欢扮演王子,把一个普通女孩带到商店,说,随便挑你想要的东西,最后看着满身名牌的女孩满脸喜悦,然后就这么说“再见”,自己回家。

北野武说:“我不怎么关心钱,因为我自己就是商品,我自己就能变成钱。”他的境界已经超越了赚钱,而是成全别人。他发现,了不起的师父会让自己的数百弟子都吃上饭,作为艺人,要让那些成绩不突出的弟子也有饭吃。

有一次,他参加一个关于茶道的电视节目,看到一地落叶,就问为什么不打扫,得知落叶是打扫后故意散落在院子里的,就领悟到,白璧微瑕,故意留个破绽,才是真成熟。他夜里四点给弟子打电话,“混蛋,我的黄色网站打不开了,快来修。”几天过后,他看到弟子们做客电视台,兴致勃勃地讲述他深夜要看黄色网站的故事。于是,非常欣慰,这至少为了给弟子们在电视上露脸制造一个吸引眼球的话题。

北野武说,当师父的基本素质就是淡定。有个师傅带弟子做节目,弟子们上厕所,发现没有卫生纸,就悻悻地出来。这时候,师父自己也去厕所。半天也没动静,弟子们都等着师父大喊给我送手纸,然而没有。过了一会师父很平静满足地从厕所出来,细心人发现,他右脚的袜子没了。

北野武看透了男女关系,他总结现在社会上的不良风气:“男女交往过程中,谎言是基础。如果谎言被揭穿,就用钱来弥补。结果就是,一切靠谎言和钱就能摆平。”

而爱和性的核心,在北野武看来乃是心跳加速。而现在的日本,做爱跟握手一样简单,很难体会到心跳了。也许偷偷跟黑社会的妻子交往,才是最让人兴奋的吧。

北野武的一个朋友,在黑老大进去的时候,睡了他老婆。黑老大出狱之后,抓住他,一顿暴打。打完问:“你跟我老婆做过吗?”此人说:“大哥,对不起。”黑老大一听,立即脱下裤子,说:“我也要跟你做。”原来,老大在监狱里自学成才成了同性恋。

北野武说自己上中学的时候,一个同性恋钻进他被窝,开始舔他的小弟弟,北野武心想,闭上眼,假装他是女人好了。没想到,同性恋添了一会对他说:“轮到你了,该舔我了。”北野武把他暴揍了一顿。

坦率的北野武不回避性这个话题,“对于健全的男女来说,他们恋爱的一半以上是性爱。想见某个人,实际是想跟她做爱。恋爱感情越深,性爱也会越深。”

北野武讲了个更重口味的故事。日本有个演员叫仙田,年轻时在公共浴室里自慰,被看澡堂的老大爷隔窗看到,大吼:“小子,在干什么?”仙田连忙回答:“洗澡。”然后把手里黏稠之物,连忙往头发上抹⋯⋯

日本也有变态袭击校园的事情发生,一旦出现校园悲剧,大家就谴责老师没有抵挡坏人。但是北野武认为:现代教育不准老师体罚学生,排除了一切暴力,这个时候让老师去对付歹徒,岂不很矛盾?

北野武1994年在事业上升期的时候,突遭车祸,造成了面瘫,因此他有资格说:“没有心灵创伤的人在世界上是不存在的。如果一味强调心灵创伤,岂不要照顾他们一辈子? ”

在这本书中,北野武还讨论政治、科学、教育、体育、管理等诸多话题。他真是一个“骂人不带脏字”的恶口大师。大阪曾经跟北京一起角逐2008年奥运会举办权,最后得了6票垫底。北野武讽刺说,这好比四口之家中的家长参加乡村选举,最后只得到一票。类似的例子在书中俯仰皆是。更多妙趣,诸位还是自己找一本来捧读,细细体会吧。

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Like a rolling Dylan

April 10th, 2011

Bob Dylan Concert,  Shanghai, April 8, 2011

Update: 《纽约时报》发表文章《在白痴的风中飘荡》,批评鲍勃-迪伦自愿接受北京审查,自我阉割抗议歌曲,不顾道义,只想卷钱,并用迪伦自己的歌词作为文章的结尾:”我想有一天,你死到临头,才发现赚的钱,买不回灵魂。“

最近干了两件大事,一是看了鲍勃-迪伦演唱会。老头70多岁了,在台上连唱两个小时,键盘、吉他、口琴轮番上阵,暗场换阵也不停顿。跟观众几乎没有交流,最后谢幕,也不鞠躬,面容沉静,九常委记者会亮相一样,还叉开五指挥挥手呢,他比巨头还酷。

一共听出来三首歌,拍了5张不糊的照片,平均每首歌330元,每张照片260元。高清大图冷淡销售中,欲购可缓。

http://farm6.static.flickr.com/5145/5604838545_a7db7957e5.jpg

Update: 和菜头发来贺电:

《诗一手咏王佩春日游泳减肥》

游泳胃口好,锻炼白费了。
游完要加餐,宵夜少不了。
泳池美女多,美女衣衫薄。
吹皱一池水,青蛙知多少?

我回复《春日和和菜头》:

杭州池水清,美女有不少,
我只顾喝水,哪有空闲瞟。
今天五百米,池水喝个饱。
仰泳加狗刨,蛙泳没学好。
明天继续练,肚子要减小。
风华日与夜,我独踏清晓。

第二件事,保持饥饿,保持愚蠢,开始生活,开始运动。昨晚骑自行车22公里,到西溪湿地来回,听蛙鸣悠扬。骑车过程中,注意保持踏频一致,换档不换频,平均保持在20KM/H,感觉不错。今天起开始游泳,仰泳500米,准备学习蛙泳,慢慢加运动量。

要像迪伦那样,变成老头以后,还能在属于自己的舞台上,且摇且滚。

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